{"id":53013,"date":"2022-09-22T17:58:22","date_gmt":"2022-09-23T00:58:22","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/eltecolote.org\/content\/?p=53013"},"modified":"2022-12-06T16:56:59","modified_gmt":"2022-12-07T00:56:59","slug":"with-chile-rejecting-a-new-constitution-reproductive-justice-is-without-borders","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/eltecolote.org\/content\/en\/with-chile-rejecting-a-new-constitution-reproductive-justice-is-without-borders\/","title":{"rendered":"Reproductive Justice Without Borders: Lessons from Latin American Organizing"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

[Story by Mara Cavallaro & Ricardo Gomez; Photo by Alexis Terrazas — Mara Cavallaro is El Tecolote’s Report for America Corps Member who reports on mental health and healthcare inequality in the Latinx community.]<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

In a historic referendum earlier this month, Chileans voted against a redrafted constitution that would have addressed the climate crisis, recognized Indigenous sovereignty, codified the right to abortion, and replaced Pinochet\u2019s dictatorship-era doctrines. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

The devastating rejection of the new constitution \u2014 by a margin of 24 percent, despite 78 percent voting earlier in favor of a rewrite \u2014 came after months of misinformation on social media. In a joint letter<\/a> to the owners of Facebook, Twitter, and Tiktok, five U.S. representatives demanded the companies address their platforms\u2019 proliferation of inaccurate information. In Chile, journalists referred<\/a> to the thousands of accounts dedicated to attacking the redraft as a \u201cdigital troop\u201d in a war against the Constitutional Convention. One repeated anti-\u2018apruebo\u2019<\/em> lie was that the new constitution would legalize abortion up until the moment of birth. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

In California, the state constitution is similarly a site of political momentum <\/strong>that may reshape how we safeguard abortion rights. The same day the U.S. Supreme Court\u2019s decision to overturn Roe <\/em>was leaked, Gov. Gavin Newsom proposed an amendment that would protect reproductive freedom in the state constitution. The Monday after the official judicial decision on Roe<\/em>, on June 27, the state legislature voted to send it to a referendum. This November, California voters will see the measure \u2014 Proposition 1 \u2014 on the ballot, and determine whether abortion and contraception will be recognized as constitutional rights. As city councils in conservative towns like San Clemente threaten to prohibit facilities that provide abortion (this resolution has, thankfully, since been voted down) at the state level, legislators are working to protect reproductive rights. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Even so, <\/strong>U.S.-based feminist Jenny Brown stresses the importance of organizing outside of the liberal power structure\u2019s \u2018approved\u2019 avenues. \u201cAbortion rights are not going to be won or lost through established channels alone, judicial or legal or otherwise,\u201d she wrote for Jacobin<\/a>. Indeed, the Supreme Court\u2019s overturning of Roe v. Wade <\/em>affirmed that judicial protections alone were not, and are not, enough. Now, the widespread urgency to establish the right to make decisions about our bodies requires we reimagine how to do so. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Chile\u2019s process of reconstitution offers one such vision of mobilization, convening a group of non-\u201ccareer\u201d politicians \u2014 led by a Mapuche woman \u2014 to rewrite the document and vote on popular initiatives. The day before the plebiscite, Idle No More SF Bay, a local intergenerational Native rights group, was one of seventeen North American Indigenous organizations and Nations to co-sign a letter<\/a> applauding the redrafted constitution for its commitment to Indigenous self-determination. While the proposed constitution was not voted in, the fight to replace the doctrines of Pinochet\u2019s dictatorship is by no means over. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

As the movement to codify rights in the U.S. has been blocked, the coordinated efforts<\/a> <\/strong>of Latin American activists have been cause for rethinking how to protect reproductive rights. In Mexico, Argentina, and Colombia, mass movement politics over the last five years have produced transformative shifts, resulting in the decriminalization of abortion. In Chile, it was the work of grassroots feminist organizers that put abortion rights on the constitutional radar. Beginning as a popular initiative, the measure surpassed the 15,000 signatures required for consideration and was then approved by an overwhelming majority of the constitutional convention. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

For Ver\u00f3nica Gago, a member of Argentina\u2019s Ni Una Menos collective, the success of recent Latin American feminist movements can be attributed to their ubiquity. The \u201cgreen tide\u201d \u2014 an Argentinan feminist collective and reference to the green bandanas that symbolize abortion rights activism \u2014 \u201cflooded spaces everywhere, including schools, slums, unions, squares and soup kitchens,\u201d she wrote in The Guardian<\/em><\/a>. Flooding these shared <\/strong>spaces, occupying government buildings, and leading strikes has created a greater sense of common cause, uniting people outside of \u2018established\u2019 political channels, and creating new political terrain. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Across the U.S., protesters have turned to Latin American pro-choice imagery in their demonstrations. In New York, following the Roe <\/em>decision leak, crowds of protesters raised green posters \u2014 some in Spanish \u2014 and wore green clothing and bandanas<\/a>. In San Francisco, high school students marched in green as part of national walkout to \u201cRise Up 4 Abortion Rights,\u201d in a symbolic display of international struggle and solidarity. Aurea Bola\u00f1os Perea, communications manager at COLOR, a Colorado-based reproductive rights organization, has a tattoo of an Aztec goddess who wears a green pa\u00f1uelo. \u201c[Latin American movements] have been incredible to not only draw inspiration from but to be reassured [by] \u2026. \u201d she told El Tecolote<\/em>. \u201cIt\u2019s not about making a seat at the table, it\u2019s about deconstructing those oppressive systems and constructing a system that [ensures] liberation and freedom for all people. That\u2019s one thing that 8-M [in Mexico] and the marea verde [in Argentina] do.\u201d <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Among Latin American activists, the popular slogan \u201caborto legal, seguro, y gratuito,\u201d also brings sharply into focus the relationship between rights and access. \u201cLegality doesn\u2019t equal access, and access doesn\u2019t equal equity, or affordability. When we think about abortion justice, we\u2019re talking about having folks in health centers who speak your language \u2026 having abortion [be] free, [getting rid of] public funding bans, having private insurance cover [abortions] without any stipulations, [and having] access to more providers [in] rural communities \u2026 Roe<\/em> was never enough,\u201d Christina Soliz, COLOR\u2019s political director, told El Tecolote<\/em>. Abortion rights organizations like COLOR, Indigenous Women Rising, and the National Latina Institute for Reproductive Rights stress the reality that communities of color have been facing barriers to abortion healthcare for decades. \u201cBefore the fall of Roe<\/em>, we already didn\u2019t have equal access to abortion,\u201d the latter said on Twitter<\/a>. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

The lauded 1973 Roe<\/em> decision fundamentally protected abortion rights, not on the basis of women\u2019s freedom, equality, or autonomy, but on the basis of privacy in doctor-patient relations. \u201cUnder Roe, women were free to \u2018choose\u2019 without the government stopping them \u2014 but also without any social and financial support to provide the conditions for meaningfully free choice, and with women\u2019s freedom protected not in its own right but as a corollary of others\u2019 (doctors\u2019, husbands\u2019) freedom,\u201d reproductive justice historian Carolyn McConnell wrote<\/a> for Jacobin. By 1976, in an example of neoliberal ideology gutting social policies, anti-choice Congressman Henry J. Hyde spearheaded a ban preventing federal funding of abortions. Today, abortions cost $530 on average<\/a>. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

At the state level, healthcare programs now have the option to provide and fund abortions, to provide them without funding, or to create outright bans. In California, for instance, abortions are covered by Medi-Cal. Privatized care<\/a> deductibles and co-pay charges average $543 for medication abortions and $887 for abortion procedures, even though private health insurance companies are required to cover abortions. In her aptly titled article<\/a> \u201cRoe Was Always a Terrible Basis for Abortion Rights. Now We Can Fight for Something Better,\u201d McConnell writes, \u201cwe need not just the right to choose an abortion, but the right to get one, socially funded if necessary.\u201d<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

[Story by Mara Cavallaro & Ricardo Gomez; Photo by Alexis Terrazas — Mara Cavallaro is El Tecolote’s Report for America Corps Member who reports on mental health and healthcare inequality in the Latinx community.] In a historic referendum earlier this month, Chileans voted against a redrafted constitution that would have addressed the climate crisis, recognized […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":35,"featured_media":53016,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"newspack_popups_has_disabled_popups":false,"newspack_featured_image_position":"","newspack_post_subtitle":"","newspack_article_summary_title":"Overview:","newspack_article_summary":"As the movement to codify rights in the U.S. has been blocked, the coordinated efforts of Latin American activists have been cause for rethinking how to protect reproductive rights. 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